51黑料网

Good for Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes for challenging Tucson Electric Power鈥檚 proposed rate increase.

Mayes鈥� intervention may help lessen TEP鈥檚 advantage with the biased Arizona Corporation Commission, and her publicity can counter the utility鈥檚 propaganda blitz.

TEP began a public relations campaign in September for its proposed 14% increase. Since then, utility suits, a board member, a retired executive and a supportive politician have had 16 columns published in the Star, on average one every two weeks, including four last month.

Concurrently, the Star has published a similar number of columns from utility critics, including Mayes鈥� op-ed challenging its 9.55% rate of return, aka profit. TEP wants more, 10.5%, and is asking the ACC, as other utilities have, for permission to update rates every year.

Expect more Star columns as intense opposition to rising rates and public calls for a city-run utility collide with TEP鈥檚 equally intense campaign to increase profits and resist takeover.

Mayes poking her legal nose in on behalf of utility customers sets up a power vs. power faceoff. Her power comes from intervention, including written testimony to the ACC labeling the rate proposal 鈥渂latant corporate greed" and encouraging populist opposition through her January town hall that drew 100-plus people.

TEP鈥檚 power comes from op-eds flacking rates, reliability and renewables; favorable ACC rules and a phalanx of lawyers. Oh, and purported boosts to Tucson鈥檚 economy, claiming it helped bring 鈥渟ix major businesses鈥� and create 285 jobs last year. For the record, that鈥檚 minuscule rather than major, adding 57-thousandths of 1% to our workforce.

One op-ed by utility CEO Susan Gray self-servingly pushed regional economic growth, which would increase TEP鈥檚 profits. Gray, who chairs the business-at-all-costs Chamber of Southern Arizona, advocated an economic 鈥渞ising tide鈥� for 鈥減rotecting working families鈥� and 鈥渟trong job growth鈥� from businesses such as Project Blue.

How does raising electricity rates on average $192 a year protect working families? How do Project Blue鈥檚 180 hires constitute strong job growth when, added to the 285 from six major businesses in 2025, the total would be less than one-hundredth of 1% of the regional workforce?

Gray鈥檚 鈥渞ising tide鈥� makes the same false promise as trickle-down economics: Creating more wealth at the top helps everyone. In reality, little trickles down, and the rising tide may drown people struggling to make rent, buy groceries and pay utility bills.

Of late, the utility鈥檚 op-eds have turned defensive. One VP in January whined about people 鈥渃asting doubt on TEP鈥檚 integrity.鈥� A retired exec in February bridled at criticism that transparency was lacking, referencing the 1,600-page rate request posted online. Laden with financial and technical language, it鈥檚 opaque, not transparent.

Another VP kissed up to the ACC, calling it 鈥減ublicly accountable.鈥� Did he mean 鈥淩epublicanly鈥�? TEP鈥檚 president labeled as 鈥渞adical鈥� a consultant鈥檚 report that Mayes commissioned to analyze the rate proposal.

Utility officials also have taken up fearmongering: TEP鈥檚 paid-for study of municipal utility takeover predictably concluded it would be 鈥渞isky, expensive鈥� and a threat to reliability; a utility VP wrote that if voters reject the TEP and city franchise agreement, customers will pay higher taxes.

These executives have the right to their opinions. Mayes also has the right 鈥� legal obligation, actually 鈥� to safeguard people from a monopoly, because the ACC won鈥檛, despite the state Constitution authorizing it to 鈥減rescribe just and reasonable rates.鈥� The question is, for whom?

Thus, the power vs. power showdown: TEP鈥檚 goal, including with its PR blitz, is maximizing profits; Mayes鈥� goal, as a legally vested consumer advocate, is maximizing public protection.